Friday 2 August 2024

Robert Jenrick's Missing X-Factor

I suppose someone on the left has to keep tabs on the Tory leadership contest. This afternoon Robert Jenrick took to the stage to launch his bid for the top job. And ... he wasn't very impressive. There is definitely something of the right about Jenrick, but his delivery is as dead eyed and clod-footed as anyone from the New Labour school of media training. And, most importantly for the defeated Tories, he hasn't a Scooby.

Because this is a Tory leadership contest, Jenrick was at least aware he wasn't addressing the country. With a crowded field, he's hoping a pitch to the membership will build a groundswell of Association-level pressure on enough MPs to get him into the final four in September, and then the last two for the party-wide ballot. As such, Jenrick's effusing of "hard working activists" and all the rest was almost embarrassing. But what might have made the Tories' diminishing support pick up its ears was his defence of members having the final say over who gets to be leader, and for good measure he said selections should be their preserve as well. Somewhat optimistically, he said the Tories can be a mass membership organisation and, because the Tories won among young people in 2010 (not 18-24s, by the way) they can again.

Official optimism bordering on the delusional, considering what's just happened. But it's okay, because Jenrick has some "hard truths" the party must learn. He said two thirds of Tory MPs lost their seats through "no fault of their own". Poor lambs. They did because, despite having an excellent record in government, the Tories didn't keep its promises. There might be a universe where those two points marry up, but it's not this one. The main reason for the defeat was that most faithful of right wing friends; not controlling immigration and failing to secure the borders. That's not the whole story, according to Jackanory Jenrick. They did not build a strong and resilient economy, and they never got to grips with the NHS. What's happened to the economy had absolutely nothing to do with them, but the NHS did. Jenrick argued that too much of the British state isn't working. It's riddled with waste and inefficiencies. Poor management is its hallmark, and it needlessly soaks up never ending amounts of money. This malaise causes the problems with the NHS (front line staff are "lions" led by "back office donkeys"), but tackling it was too hard. So it was ducked.

Jenrick has a cheek. It was Rishi Sunak who led opposition to Boris Johnson's luke warm efforts at addressing the country's long-term structural problems. And wherever his penny pinching touch went, departmental budgets were pared down, infrastructure projects scrapped, public sector wages forced below inflation, and a stated intention to reduce the capability of the state to do things further. This wasn't dogma or "ideology", though it's often dressed up in those terms. It was a class conscious effort to curb raised political expectations after Corbynism, Covid, and Johnson's pie-in-the-sky promises. Defund the state, preside over its decay, and erode popular perceptions of its efficacy. Labour are attempting a different approach that involves enhancing the reputation of the state and rebuilding its capacity, but Jenrick wants to take it a step further. He's blaming the state itself for what his party have done to it, and the medicine he's prescribing is more of the same. The "British system isn't working for the British people" is the logical consequence of Tory design. His party is responsible for the shambles.

There were a few swipes at Labour (dishonest for raising taxes) and, weirdly, the "far left" (anti-British!). But while both offer something different, depending on one's political tastes, like a true conservative Jenrick's solutions are the same old same old. People and parliament should be sovereign (no ECHR), fast track deportations, immigration in the tens of thousands "or lower", build more nuclear, more money for the army, cut welfare, a small state "that works". I guess you'd have to be a Tory member to find this exciting.

But there are two problems. The long term issue is none of this is appropriate to the situation the Tories have bequeathed their successors. The audience for reheated Thatcherism is literally dying, are not being replaced like for like, and even those who might move into opposition against the new government aren't likely to turn to the Tories because of that inconvenient thing called memory. But more immediately, how does this differentiate Jenrick from his competitors? As we will see when other candidates are profiled here, you'll be hard pressed to find substantive differences between them. Whether they are from the identikit right, like Jenrick, or the briefcase/sensible "centre". What has Jenrick got that Badenoch and Patel haven't? Likewise how does he present as a more capable "safe pair of hands" unifier than Cleverly? It's a mystery to me, and I expect the Tory membership will have a hard time differentiating him as well.

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6 comments:

Phil said...

What has Jenrick got that Badenoch and Patel haven't?

No trolling the commenters. Being a middle-class white man in a suit wasn't Keir Starmer's pitch when he stood against Emily Thornberry and Lisa Nandy, but it sure as hell didn't hurt. Are Conservative Party members more progressive than their Labour Party counterparts? OK, on sex they probably are - at least, those old enough to remember Thatcher - but on ethnicity?

Blissex said...

«He said two thirds of Tory MPs lost their seats through "no fault of their own".»

Again: https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/articles/c2x0g8nkzmzo
“in over 170 of the Conservative seats they lost, the Reform vote was greater than the margin of the Conservatives' defeat.”

«Jenrick has some "hard truths" the party must learn. [...] The main reason for the defeat was that most faithful of right wing friends; not controlling immigration and failing to secure the borders.»

Ah the usual myth. Immigration was booming from 2016 to 2019 and Johnson got 14 million votes. Immigration continued to boom until around 2 years ago and Starmer and Davey did not get traction, and were doing badly in Commons by-elections.

«What's happened to the economy had absolutely nothing to do with them, but the NHS did. Jenrick argued that too much of the British state isn't working. It's riddled with waste and inefficiencies.»

First the usual premise: the Conservatives do not target lower class "loser"/"sucker" (workers, tenants, upgraders) voters, they can win just by targeting "Middle England" voters, and while they grumble about the NHS and state services, they matter a lot less to them than to the lower class people, who are not going usually to vote Conservative anyhow (and many just do not vote because all the main parties with once exception for a few years do not want to represent their interests).

Shrinking down to size the NHS and state services did not just happen in the past 2 years, the biggest cuts were done early on after 2010, and yet the Conservatives got 14m vote landslides in 2017 and 2019.

My impression is that unlike Osborne many conservative politicians are either blinded by 40 years of record or are simply hypocrites and do not want to acknowledge what really matters to "Middle England" voters. Who actually want much higher immigration, as long as those people stay out of their way and neighbourhood, and just drive up rents and down wages, and much smaller state services, as long as cuts fall mostly on lower class people, as indeed they did.

David said...

Heard him on the radio this morning insinuating that mass immigration is causing all the riots. What a poisonous shit he is.

Blissex said...

«and yet the Conservatives got 14m vote landslides in 2017 and 2019»

As always it is quite amazing that many "whig" and "leftoid" commentators seem to forget that the Conservative vote rose form 10m to 14m between 2010 and 2019, despite deepening "austerity", collapsing state services, rising immigration, while only the 1% or billionaires profited. I guess it took 12 years for tory voters to realize that they "we are all in the same boat" and therefore almost half of them switched to Reform UK.

My usual numbers of elections as absolute numbers and percentages of total electorate, not just voters:

https://researchbriefings.parliament.uk/ResearchBriefing/Summary/CBP-7529
https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-10009/

year abst. % Lab. % Con % other % other
1974 8.33 21.0% 11.65 29.4% 11.87 29.9% 6.06 15.3% Lib.
1974 10.80 27.0% 11.45 28.6% 10.46 26.1% 5.34 13.3% Lib.

1979 9.87 24.0% 11.53 28.1% 13.70 33.3% 4.31 10.5% Lib.
1983 11.47 27.2% 8.46 20.1% 13.01 30.8% 7.78 18.4% SDP+Lib
1987 10.61 24.6% 10.03 23.2% 13.74 31.8% 7.34 17.0% SDP+Lib
1992 9.59 22.2% 11.56 26.7% 14.09 32.6% 6.00 13.9% LDP

1997 12.49 28.5% 13.52 30.9% 9.60 21.9% 5.24 12.0% LDP
2001 18.03 40.6% 10.72 24.1% 8.34 18.8% 4.81 10.8% LDP
2005 17.10 38.6% 9.55 21.6% 8.78 19.8% 5.99 13.5% LDP

2010 15.60 34.2% 8.61 18.9% 10.70 23.5% 6.84 15.0% LDP
2015 15.73 33.9% 9.35 20.1% 11.33 24.4% 6.30 13.6% LDP+UKIP
2017 14.67 31.3% 12.88 27.5% 13.64 29.1% 2.37 5.1% LDP
2019 15.58 32.7% 10.30 21.6% 13.97 29.4% 3.70 7.8% LDP

2024 19.33 40.1% 9.70 20.1% 6.83 14.2% 7.64 15.8% LDP+RUK

In addition the combined Con+RUK vote combined is 10.95m (22.7%) and that for NLab+LD is 11.65m (24.2%).

Blissex said...

«The audience for reheated Thatcherism is literally dying, are not being replaced like for like»

I keep reading from our blogger that thatcherism is not (just?) about class material interests, but it is an age-related condition.

Perhaps it was like COVID: in the 1980s many young and middle aged people get infected by the thatcherism/reaganism pandemic, and then it became "long thatcherism" with worsening brain fog with age.

Or perhaps it is like bands: people associate the bands when they were young with the feelings of when they were young, so older people flock to gigs by bands whose members have become 60-80yo to relive those feelings.

:-)

Sean Dearg said...

Thank Zeus we have a commentor with his finger on the pulse who knows exactly what everybody else thinks and feels. I'm not sure why Phil bothers when he could just invite Bliss to write this blog for him. Although...I guess the readership would drop to one fairly quickly. There's nothing that more grabs the interest than a dense block of numbers sprawled across the page. Brings back memories of going through the invoices for my granny's corner shop. Bliss indeed!