Thursday, 10 January 2013

Tory Disarray Over Europe

1. You know the government's position on Europe is broken when the US State Department is compelled to publicly comment on Dave's anti-EU posturing. As far as US interests are concerned, whether there is a Republican or Democrat in the White House they need their most steadfast ally at the heart of Europe. Partly as a Trojan horse to those federalists who would like the EU grow into a counterweight against overweening US domination, partly to promote the liberalisation of markets for the benefit of US corporate giants, and partly to ensure its interests have a place round the decision makers table. If UKIP and Europhobic Tories had their way, their hope for closer ties with the other side of the Atlantic will come to naught if the useful role they play in the EU ceases. One section of the Coalition understands this, but it seems lost on the traditional party of the rich and the privileged.

2. In the Manifesto, Marx and Engels define political sects as organisations that put their interests before those of the working class. In a different time and involving a completely different set of forces, the Tories are doing just that. Dave's clever-clever prevarication, his hints that he may go for an in/out referendum, the notion that the UK needs to renegotiate its relationship, all of this is giving some leading business people the jitters while undermining Britain's standing in the near-abroad. And for what? To try and win back disgruntled Tory voters from UKIP? For nicer headlines in the Telegraph and The Mail? To placate the has-beens and never-weres of the back benches? A purer example of a party putting its interests before the class it represents is seldom seen.

3. Dave doesn't realise it's pointless trying to out tough UKIP on Europe. Whether he favours a renegotiated relationship or not, he knows a UK exit from the EU would be an utter disaster. With all the arrogance of the ignorant, UKIP simply don't care. While it is true Dave got a poll bounce last winter vetoing an agreement that Britain had no intention of participating in anyway, support for UKIP is not specifically driven by anti-EU sentiment. It is about anti-establishment politics. No one really cares what UKIP stands for beyond an amorphous sense of patriotism and anti-political correctness. They have become the de facto middle finger for middle england. As such, UKIP is a symptom of the alienation between the electorate at large from the particular kind of professional politics that have become hegemonic in Britain. Tory repositioning on Europe is not going to stem the trickle of blood from their right flank.

Wednesday, 9 January 2013

SWP, Rape, and Revolutionary Justice

It takes a lot for me to feel sorry for the Socialist Workers' Party, but I genuinely do over the predicament they've brought upon themselves. What appeared to be another farcical frame-up in a history of farcical frame-ups later twisted into tragedy as it was revealed that the SWP's Disputes Committee had been investigating a rape complaint against a leading activist and Central Committee member. Cue leak. Cue mayhem.

In the first instance, this crisis was precipitated entirely by the SWP's own actions, but from the off they were caught in a bind provided by their own revolutionary conceit. If you're in the business of prosecuting class struggle to the point of the overthrow of capital, and you believe it is your party's destiny to lead the working class in revolt, as far as behaviour, misconduct and crimes committed by party members are concerned the party is the sovereign body for pronouncing on questions of truth and guilt, of sanction and punishment. Within the terms of party morality and the closed-loop universe of the SWP's particular form of revolutionary identity politics, they did the right thing investigating the allegations. And I am sure that other organisations who locate themselves in the Leninist tradition would have done more or less the same thing. In short, the SWP were in a difficult position. They were damned if they had investigated. And damned for covering up a possible crime if they didn't.

However, as is usually the case when something extremely contentious flare ups on the far left, it was handled in the most cack-handed manner possible. Anyone reading the transcript will be struck by how genuine the people sitting on the disputes committee appeared, how scrupulously fair and transparent they tried to be within the form their investigation took. I'd heard of most of them too. All of them have served their party for years, and those I knew of had contributed to the wider labour movement in a number of ways. But it is absolutely incredible that they are all noted hardcore party loyalists and who, as "Candy U" acknowledged, "five of the people hearing the case were either current or former CC members, and that all of the people had worked incredibly closely with Comrade Delta [the accused]". I was around the far left long enough to know this certainly was not consistent with any form of "revolutionary justice" I'm familiar with. They may have been voted in by 2012's conference, but from the outset the glaring conflict of interest ruled it out of order as a body fit to preside over a case involving someone they had close ties to.

There are other problems too. In the transcript, the complaint is made that "Delta" had access to "W's" statement against him, while she and her advocate/support were not afforded the same courtesy regarding his statements. Even in "bourgeois law", that set of privilege-riddled codified prescriptions the SWP seek to positively transcend, the advocates arguing serious charges of sexual assault and rape against a defendant are afforded that right. There is also serious disquiet over the lines of questioning pursued by the disputes committee. Despite what were no doubt earnest and sincere attempts to keep the questions focused directly on the allegations, apparently they meandered into inappropriate lines of questioning around her relationship history.

Candy U's opening statement to conference says "We’re not a law court. We are here to protect the interests of the party, and to make sure that any inappropriate behaviour of any kind by comrades is dealt with, and we do that according to the politics of a revolutionary party.[my emphasis]". But incredibly, the SWP have singly failed to do just that.

As a party supposedly steeped in an understanding of materialist dialectics, it should be aware there is a world outside of it. What it and its members do falls under the jurisdiction of the English and Scottish legal systems, whether they recognise the legitimacy of them or not. And clearly they are aware they operate in a particular legal environment. The SWP's industrial department can provide briefings to its activists on workplace law, and it has certainly given advice on what happens if you're arrested to members participating in demonstrations. If it can attempt to provide this kind of elementary legal advice, why didn't anyone on the disputes committee or the central committee seek a professional opinion before investigating allegations of an extremely serious crime? It's not as if the SWP have no lawyers as members. According to what a former full-timer told me a while ago, there was at one point a small law firm based somewhere in Nottinghamshire staffed by SWP lawyers. As the subsequent discussion on the Socialist Unity thread reveals, their failure to notify the police in any way could in fact invite a police investigation and possible charges over the pursuit and obstruction of justice. Hardly what I would describe as keeping the SWP's best interests at heart.

I can understand the SWP's basic starting point. But it was a massive mistake. Contrary to the ultra-left rantings of some swappybots and other ra-ra-revolutionaries, there is no such rarefied thing as "bourgeois law". Codified and reified it may be. Providing legal justification for the inequitable distribution of property it surely does. However, despite this the attitude of the police and the laws around rape and sexual assault have changed over the last 40 years. Conviction rates are disproportionately low and underreporting is a serious problem, but nevertheless what we have now is a gain won by the harrowing struggle of victims for justice, and their allies in the feminist and labour movement. By the efforts of generations of activists the apparatus the police possess and the counselling system they can call upon is the most appropriate, specially trained and competent means available for making and investigating a complaint.

If the SWP understood this they might have avoided the biggest crisis in the 60 year history of its organisation.

Monday, 7 January 2013

Spam and Blogging the Welfare Cuts

No, this isn't about the fare on offer from the mushrooming number of soup kitchens food banks, but about the spam bots crawling around out there.

Since I returned to blogging back in October I've noticed the number of spam comments this blog attracts is an order of magnitude above that I experienced before February 2011, when I took my 18 month break. Some of it is your usual porn stuff (I'll be battening down the hatches - a post on porn and erotica is due soon), and other crap comes from self-described 'social media entrepreneurs'.

There is, of course, the gnawing flattery of the spambot, like "My brother recommended I might like this web site. He was totally right. This post truly made my day. You cann't [sic] imagine just how much time I had spent for this info! Thanks! Stop by my weblog". That comment was spam advertising genital wart cream.

But now I regularly blog on benefit cuts and social security-related issues (e.g. Jobseekers Allowance, the Social Fund, and Housing Benefit), I've started attracting opportunist spam.

All of a sudden, the crap advertising gambling has shot through the roof. And, strangely enough, payday loans and other forms of legal loan sharking have become an increasingly dominant feature of the spam received.

Have other bloggers who regularly write about these issues experienced similar trends?

Sunday, 6 January 2013

Labour Councillors Against the Cuts

At Stoke-on-Trent Labour's city-wide meeting on Friday evening, just shy of a hundred party members heard Council Leader Mohammed Pervez give a detailed presentation on the cuts that are coming this year, an outline of how the local authority is going to manage them, and the controversial regeneration strategy the council will be pursuing over the next few years.

During the meeting I was handed a leaflet from an organisation calling itself 'Councillors Against the Cuts'. It does not have any contact details but, as the leaflet notes, the network is sponsored by the Labour Representation Committee. I reproduce the text below for readers' information. As for the viability of its hard anti-cuts strategy, I have my doubts. It appears more a route to left martyrdom than anything else. More significantly, however, the Labour Group of the Local Government Association will be hosting a spring conference that aims to map out a coordinated response to the cuts. If I can, I plan on covering that gathering.


Councillors Against the Cuts

We are a new network of local councillors formed to support the fight against cuts. We Believe that instead of implementing the Coalition's cuts, councils and councillors should refuse to do so and help organise workers and communities in resistance.

We are pledged to vote against all cuts to services and jobs, increases in rents and charges, and increases in council tax.

We do not accept that cuts are "necessary": there is plenty of money in society, but it is in the wrong hands. Taxing the rich and business, taking the wealth of the banks and cutting Trident are all rich sources of funds.

We stand in solidarity with anti-cuts campaigns, with people defending their local services and with the broader community, residents, our children, pensioners etc. - in defence of the rights of the most vulnerable people in society as the Coalition government attacks them.

We are working with a network of local government workers and other trade unionists to fight for this policy to be adopted and campaigned for in the unions and the labour movement. We believe that close links are needed between Labour councillors and the unions in the public sector whether they are Labour-affiliated or not. We believe that, with the confidence that unions are behind them, many more councillors can be encouraged to refuse to implement cuts - and with the knowledge that councillors will support them unequivocally, many more trade unionists will be prepared to fight back against cuts.

Most of us are Labour councillors and our campaign is sponsored by the Labour Representation Committee, but we are open to all left and labour movement councillors willing to pledge to vote against/refuse to implement cuts.

Whether you are a councillor, local government worker, other trade unionist, anti-cuts campaigner or Labour Party activist - get involved!

Image source: HarpyMarx

New Blogs

Time for a rundown of the latest new(ish) blogs to have crossed the desk this last month. As ever, all are firmly on the left and well worth checking out.

1. Anne Fairweather (Labour) (Twitter)
2. Dream Housing (Unaligned) (Twitter)
3. Grumpy Old Trot (Unaligned)
4. HegemonyOrBust (Unaligned)
5. Labour for Democracy (Labour)
6. Laura McInerney (Unaligned/Education) (Twitter)
7. Lipstick Socialist (Unaligned) (Twitter)
8. Next Generation Labour (Labour) (Twitter)
9. Not Such A Wonderful World (Unaligned)
10. sandrassp (SSP)
11. SharonGooner's Blog (Unaligned) (Twitter)
12. Solidarity Bear (Unaligned)
13. The Political Idealist (Labour) (Twitter)
14. The Rants of Sophia C Botha (Green) (Twitter)
15. This Nightmare Will Pass Away With the Morning (Labour) (Twitter)
16. Unlearning Economics (Unaligned) (Twitter)
17. What You Should Be Angry About (Unaligned) (Twitter)

That's it for December/January. If you know of any new blogs that haven't featured before then drop me a line via the comments, email or Twitter. Please note I'm looking for blogs that have started within the last 12 months. The new blog round up is posted on the first Sunday of every month, and is also cross-posted to Socialist Unity.

Saturday, 5 January 2013

SWP: Life on the Revolutionary Treadmill

In recent years, it's become obligatory for SWP conference time to be accompanied by a split, and 2013's meeting (due to convene at the customary 'secret location' in London today) is likely to see the tradition continue. And for the sad Kremlinologists who follow the far left, we're in for something of a treat.

In the red corner we have the 'Democratic Opposition' faction, which was formed to defend four oppositionists expelled prior to conference for "factionalising" (something the SWP's permanent leadership cadre is never guilty of doing), and raises questions about the appalling behaviour of its former national secretary.

In the red corner there is 'Democratic Centralist' faction. This accepts some of the concerns raised by the oppositionists, but positions itself equidistant between them and the all-powerful central committee. As far as I can tell, there appears to be little on offer here except a proposal to ameliorate the two positions.

In the red corner, there is the leadership itself. Far from impressed with the conciliatory orientation of the DemCent faction, it castigates both for having the temerity to raise internal differences "in the shadow of a challenging situation".

And in the final red corner, we have Damon Skinner of Middlesborough branch taking the CC to task and reminding them "that they exist to serves us [the membership], not the other way round". Something tells me Brother Skinner is not long for the SWP's world.

The eruption of dissent is serious business for an organisation not used to it, and a leadership clique not prepared to tolerate it. The hectoring tone adopted by the CC's contribution to the debate, plus the helpful prefaces added to the factional statements by Charlie Kimber (the scion of a banking dynasty, no less) is unlikely to win many over from either faction. But that was never the intention. Theirs is less about persuading dissidents and more about shoring up its own position. Like all petty revolutionary bureaucracies you find littered about the far left, the first, second, and third priorities of their day-to-day work is the preservation of the 'party', and therefore the apparatus. This in mind, the loss of 50, 100, 150 members now is unlikely to imperil the organisation. But if it is allowed to continue, the privileged positions enjoyed by the leadership and its gang of full-time insiders are more likely to come under sustained scrutiny. Not a place the little Lenins of the SWP's CC want to be in.

In a way, it is unsurprising the SWP continues to face internal opposition. Their attempt to build a monolithic party that proscribes free-flowing discussion between members has always been ridiculous. And now that the sharing of ideas is easier than ever before, its insistence on carefully delineated procedures for debate as set out by the party rules - that few of the SWP's present membership have ever voted on - tips it over into the absurd. If the CC cannot approach debate and decision-making sensibly, then why should anyone take their claims that socialism represents a more democratic form of society seriously?

The second problem is the SWP are still reeling from their stupid and childish behaviour on show during their split with Respect, and subsequent split and formation of Counterfire. Before then, despite the highly problematic character of the SWP and its awful internal culture, as far as the rest of the labour movement were concerned there was a sense people knew where the SWP stood. There was a certain consistency that ran from its hard anti-war stance right through to the role it played in Respect, and this is despite the SWP's dogmatic insistence of refusing to adopt a programme. And now?

It's a fair question to ask. What is the SWP for? I know what Counterfire is about. It's very clear what the direction of march is for their rivals in the Socialist Party. Even the smattering of tiny, tiny sects have a raison d'etre, if only defined by themselves. As they say in business school, what the SWP lacks is a 'offer'. You can sustain the usual round of stalls and paper sales on members' inchoate anger against the system for only so long without offering something to fight for. Compare and contrast for a moment. If you are one of the few who read any given issue of The Socialist from cover to cover, it is clear everything is linked up. The SP's participation in trade union struggles, anti-cuts campaigns, college protests, etc. are related to its grand strategy of building a Labour Party mk II. Open Socialist Worker all you get is "things are bad, so join the party mmmkay". Regardless of its field of work, it's about "stopping things". The only thing linking them up is building the party.

This has always been true of the SWP to an extent, but it seems particularly bewildered now. What is its strategy in the unions? What is its way forward for the anti-war movement? How should the anti-cuts movement be built? What about Labour? Where now for anti-fascism? On all of these it has absolutely nothing of substance to say. There is a continued and studied silence on how we get from the here and now to a socialist society.

The cpgb's long-held position on the far left is it would be better suited to adopt more transparent modes of organising and having debate out in the open. This would go some way to addressing the political and organisational malaise, including the culture of splitting whenever a serious difference arises. Unfortunately for them, as they themselves have suffered splits and resignations over political differences on a semi-regular basis this is no panacea. The chief problem faced by the SWP and the rest of the far left does not boil down to the interpretation and practice of democratic centralism - it is the belief, the faith even, that Bolshevik organisation and revolutionary socialist politics is suited to capitalism in the 21st century.

It is likely that by fair means or foul the SWP leadership will see off the challengers to its authority this weekend. After all, they've had 40 years practice of doing so. But ultimately all they and their opposition offer is life on the revolutionary treadmill, forever doomed to be sidelined by great events.

Thursday, 3 January 2013

Housing Benefit Cuts and Social Engineering

This is a familiar story. Yesterday, Stoke's Sentinel reported that the City Council is having problems getting its tenants to "downsize" ahead of housing benefit cuts. For readers unfamiliar with the new rules due to come in, if you are, for example, a single person renting a two bed terrace, or a family living in a three bedroom house with a boy and a girl under the age of 10, you will be deemed to be "under-occupying" the property and get your housing benefit cut - hence it's being dubbed the "bedroom tax". As the Sentinel notes, there are significant difficulties because only 91 of the Council's 4,331 single bed and just 108 of the 7,446 two bedroom properties are currently vacant. There are 2,300 council tenants who fulfill the under-occupying criteria. The overwhelming majority of them will have to make good the cut themselves.

Another change on the way is the method of housing benefit payment. Contrary to popular belief (not at all willfully encouraged by IDS and the media), it is presently paid directly to the housing provider on a set date each month. This is due to change. The (reduced) benefit will now be paid to the recipient. This might not seem such a bad thing, but in some cases where you're dealing with vulnerable people in precarious situations it's a recipe for evictions and homelessness. Councils, housing associations and social landlords are trying to get around this by having direct debits that transfer the payment on the day it is paid directly to them. This is easier said than done as the government have moved the goal posts. A set payment day will be changed to relate it to the date the benefit was applied for. This will pile extra work onto housing providers.

There is more to these changes than the typical 'bash the poor' reflex of this government. It is a deeply ideological move that goes to the very core of Conservative thinking about policy and social security.

In the comings and goings of faddish political theories, 'nudging' commanded some attention for all of a fortnight nearly five years ago. A form of paternalism, its suggested way of doing policy is creating the sorts of conditions that would facilitate desired behaviours. For example, while stripping out employment rights and handing tax cuts to the rich are barking ideas, our LibDem-supported Conservative government really believes this will magically encourage job creation. And now that more jobs are being created, correlation in all likelihood will be taken for causation.

The same is true of the Tory attacks on social security generally, though 'shoving', not 'nudging' is a more appropriate metaphor. The idea that poverty is a personal, moral failing runs like an open sewer through this government's thinking, and its changes to housing benefit are part of an attempt that will, to its own satisfaction, divide the deserving from the undeserving poor.

By taking on average £14/week away from housing benefit recipients, the emphasis is on the provider and the tenant to find more suitable housing. None available on council or housing association waiting lists? Get something through the private rental market, or move in with a friend or relative. Or, better still, get a job (because all benefit recipients are out of work) and make up the difference out of your wages. If you do not or cannot do these things, it's only fair the taxpayer does not support your irresponsible residency "choice".

Direct housing benefit payments represents a more significant act of social engineering. Obviously, by paying the money directly to the recipient the responsibility devolves on them to ensure their rent is paid. In practice, some families on extremely low incomes - if not bound by a new tenancy agreement - may use it to plug other gaps in their finances. Victims of loan sharks, for instance, could use monies to pay them off as rent arrears are far less intimidating. And who can blame them? Vulnerable people with learning difficulties or severe mental health problems could be very adversely affected if they cannot, for whatever reason, access the sort of help they need to sort out new rent arrangements. And, of course, for substance abusers this is more money to feed their addictions - but as the 'evil poor', no one cares about them anyway.

The shove works its way from tenants to landlords. Social housing providers and larger landlords are already preparing themselves for what's coming, but in any inner city area there are plenty of 'rogue' landlords. More often than not the owners of cheap, substandard and decaying housing, they do not care about their tenants, the behaviour of their tenants to their neighbours, nor the quality of the accommodation they provide. As long as the taxpayer shelled out direct to them each month, they were happy. The benefit changes mean that even the most hands-off unscrupulous landlords will take notice as rent arrears mount. On paper, they will be elbowed into taking an interest in their responsibilities. In practice, their obligations are likely only to stretch to evicting tenants who fall behind in payments, and taking on new ones with a demonstrable ability to pay. The changes will not see rogue landlords refurbish their properties to attract a new market.

And what about evictees themselves? Many will go straight into B&B's, at extra cost to the public purse. Some will end up on the streets. And most will be added to council housing waiting lists, further ensuring that local authority properties are not the recipe for mixed communities and social cohesion - as they were originally intended to be - but as housing of the last resort. In short, the poor, the vulnerable, and the substance-dependent are set to be ghettoised, and whatever is left of post-war social housing aspirations is exorcised.

So next time IDS or his apologists protest their honestly-held views, remind them the path to this particular hell will be paved with their good intentions.

Tuesday, 1 January 2013

Top 100 Independent Tweeting Bloggers

By popular demand, the top 100 independent tweeting political bloggers for 2012.

81. The Third Estate (2,735 followers)
98. Open Unionism (1,671 followers)
100. Ceasefire (1,580 followers)

The same caveats apply as last time. And it is, of course, ordered by Twitter following. Quality is in the eye of the beholder.

This post defines as 'independent' bloggers whose primary blogging outlet is either a site of their own, or a group blog not attached to a mainstream media platform, think tank or trade union. It's basically the last list without the journos and columnist-bloggers.

I did toy with the idea of leaving out the big political blogs semi-attached to the main parties (ConHome, LabourList, LibDem Voice); and Guido as he and his team are 'professional' bloggers. But in the end it was right to include them. The three party sites are outlets for a lot of "normal" bloggers who don't get paid for their efforts. And Guido's rose up organically from the mess and froth of political blogging. If he ever gets bought out by another media organisation, that designation will change.

One last point, this is very much a *provisional* list. I know some of the follower totals might be slightly off, but there are only so many hours in the day. And it's also likely a lot of people have been missed off, particularly on the right, among LibDems and Greens, and bloggers from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. If you are or you know someone who's missing, drop a comment below. It will be updated in the near future to iron out any inaccuracies.

Updated 5pm, 02/01/13.

Five Most Popular Posts for December


The most read posts of the month were:


Once again, media self-referentialism wins out for the second month running. And, I'm afraid to say, that is one productive seam I've yet to finish mining. But is the media being interested in the media a big problem? Perhaps that question deserves an extended post in the near future.

And lastly, the one post from last month I think is deserving of a little more attention is my absurd, pondersome ramblings about video game writing.

Monday, 31 December 2012

Top 10 Dance Tunes of 2012

Because it's tradition! And what a fine, fine tradition it is.

10. Motivation (Kris O'Neil Remix) by Paul Thomas feat. Ladystation

9. Lost In Your Love by Redlight

8. Spectrum (Calvin Harris Remix) by Florence and the Machine

7. The Night Out (Madeon Remix) by Martin Solveig

6. I Don't Deserve You by Paul van Dyk feat. Plumb


4. Nothing Without Me by Markus Schulz feat. Ana Diaz

3. Chronicles of a Fallen Love by The Bloody Beetroots feat. Greta Svabo Bech

2. Aeon of Revenge by Andrew Rayel

And Number One is ...