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Wednesday, 7 August 2024

Keir Starmer's Reluctant Anti-Fascism

Barely a month in and we're already at a pivotal moment for Keir Starmer's premiership. In many ways, this last week's worth of far right riots, beginning in Southport, could almost be tailor-made for the new government. When Labour's objective is the modernisation of the state by ensuring it "delivers" (for service users and for capital), and restoring the popular legitimacy of its institutions from public services to the police and military and even the government itself, there is a lot to be gained if Starmer and Co play their cards right. On the one side, there is the overwhelming majority of the population disgusted by the violence and ugly racism of so-called patriots. On the other, an official opposition split between condemning the far right and looking to benefit from it in some way. It's an open goal moment for Starmer to consolidate his standing and with it his programme for government.

He was certainly quick to show off his law and order credentials. This afternoon the Prime Minister said 400 suspects had been arrested, 100 charged and sentencing will be carried out by the end of the week. Made easier by the abundance of evidence thanks to the far right's stupid reflex to share footage of themselves throwing bricks, egging on violence, shouting racist abuse, and looting gingerbread men from Greggs. Readers will recall that Starmer promised new powers for the police as well as a mobile specialist unit, which allowed the press to go all gooey about "supercops" over the weekend. But on the politics, Starmer's first instinct was to treat fascist mobilisation as a law and order issue. Until it became untenable. "I won't shy away from calling it far right thuggery" he said, despite waiting days to say this obvious truth. He acknowledged that Muslims were being specifically targeted, and for the first time Yvette Cooper acknowledged that the far right's attempted pogrom was motivated by Islamophobia. But that has been the limit of Labour's political response. Its MPs have been putting out more-in-common/kumbya statements, and none have been seen anywhere near anti-fascist demonstrations. Not even a token presence - following directives from the top.

Labour are missing a trick. As the party has a thin social base, these riots are an opportunity to assume that most Blairist of affectations - of presenting themselves as the political wing of the British people - by not just overseeing the prosecution and incarceration of racist thugs and their online cheerleaders, but showing empathy and solidarity with communities under siege. Obviously a difficulty thanks to the party's recent activity and long-term problems with institutional racism, but doing so would go some way of paying down debts that cost the party at the election (and could do so in the future), as well as win back those that by any measure should be in the bag. Doing the right thing now would provide the government some much needed social ballast, which would stop it from getting blown off course when the political weather gets rough.

Why is Labour not manoeuvring to capitalise on far right violence? It's alien territory for many of its MPs. The problem is the typical path to politics for most of the PLP is from outside the labour movement. The are not accustomed to and are even frightened by having to deal with masses of politicised people. It's a lack of fit between the Westminster-centred world view and skill set and a positive appreciation of an independently organised anti-fascist politics of the street. MPs are supposed to represent them, not treat with them as equals. The second is the investment in received wisdom, which has historically been driven by the needs of the Tory party. With the exception of when Jeremy Corbyn led Labour and Keir Starmer was in the running to take over, the party has always tailed the Conservative and right wing press framing of immigration and ethnic minorities as a problem to be managed. It's easier to go with the flow, especially when it's framed as the common sense of everyone outside of the M25, than to take on the myths and lies and actually lead on it. But worse than that, for right wing Labour it's not a question of capitulation for electoral reasons. Rather they too believe being seen as the best handlers of immigration - by deporting more and cutting numbers - is the route to keeping the Tories and the far right at bay. How's that perspective working out? And lastly, as per His Blairness Labour needs its own scapegoats. Taking on a political as opposed to a straight law and order approach to anti-fascism limits Labour's options in this regard, giving the government less room for manoeuvre when it thinks rightward shifts on multiculturalism and asylum are necessary.

In other words, Starmer's political timidity in the face of far right violence is conjunctural, but one consistent with the Janus-faced character of Labourism. And such reluctance now, an unwillingness and seeming inability to grasp the promise of the moment will cost Labour in the long run.

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