Tuesday, 7 April 2015

Are the Media Fawning Over the SNP?

Are they? Nicky Tyrone seems to think so. Well, to be absolutely accurate he's talking about the left wing media here. Continuing our exacting theme, while his piece asks about "the left media's worship of the SNP", he qualifies this by noting "the slightly pro-SNP slant of the left of centre media". Idolatry vs a qualified welcome. Hmmm. Furthermore, the bloody, quivering slab of evidence backing up his position is ... a single article by Zoe Williams. Double hmmm.

I'm not about to offer a content analysis of our centre left press friends at The Graun, Indy, or Mirror. Let's take the Labour-supporting tabloid. Here are a couple of pieces faithfully reproducing the Labour narrative about SNP votes and Tory backdoors. Meanwhile The Graun flags up Nicola Sturgeon's anti-austerity credentials and publishes her offer to Ed Miliband to keep the Tories from darkening Number 10's door ever again. The Indy offers matter of fact reporting on all these. So, in the grand scheme of things, centre left coverage is somewhat balanced - though in the real world far more pairs of eyes get to read what The Mirror says than The Graun.

Not that I'm going to apologise for the SNP. Like Nicky I am as opposed to the project of a separate Scotland as much as a resurgent British, or English nationalism. It is the most pernicious kind of us vs themism, a set of fictions disseminated consciously and unconsciously by the ideas factories of states, institutions, media, parties and movements, and good old commonsense. It's a politics seeking salvation by separating one set of people out from another. In its rightist forms, best exemplified by UKIP, it's blaming problems on the presence of Johnny Foreigner. In the SNP's case, at least in its current social democratic incarnation, the neoliberal power centres in London and the English voters who return governments craven before those interests are stopping Scotland from building a fairer society. As someone who holds a candle for labour movements and the pursuit of common interests cutting across nationalities, left-tinged nationalism is problematic.

Being opposed does not, however, preclude understanding why it's spring time for Scottish nationalism. As this piece for the BBC makes clear, many people are attracted to the SNP because it chimes with their priorities. In short, as Scottish Labour retreated from pretty basic Labourist politics so the support has followed the policies. It wasn't long ago that a former Scottish leader was defining aspiration for Labour as "second home ownership, two cars in the driveway, a nice garden, two foreign holidays a year, and leisure systems in the home such as sound, cinema, and gym equipment." Good grief. This is a crisis of Labour's making, albeit not on the grounds of its own choosing.

If there are elements of the centre left media establishment down here receptive to the SNP's anti-austerity message, that comes as no surprise after having market fundamentalism stuffed down everyone's throats for the last 30 years. However, while the SNP's nationalism puts their social democracy into question, so their social democracy raises a question mark of their nationalism too. This isn't the same as Zoe's argument, but perversely the strength of the SNP rests on appropriating a politics based on solidarity, not division. Nicola Sturgeon's inbox proves it. Here's the bind the SNP find themselves in. Successfully pursuing social democratic politics in a whole UK framework ultimately saps the basis of the SNP's success. But doing anything else risks opening up the SNP's fault lines that, at present, barely register as hairline cracks.

Labour however can turn the situation around and put the SNP and Scottish nationalism back in its box. But not before the election, and not before next year's Holyrood elections either. We're going to have to play the long, long game of not just competing with the SNP on policy and looking for opportunities to outflank them, but use our offices in government and local authorities to consistently work against the myriad insecurities that living in a capitalist society visits on us. If that means structural change, then it means structural change. Far better our party reconfigures British capital than have it, as it has been doing, configuring us.

At the risk of summoning the spirit of Max Weber, what left intellectuals, opinion formers, anyone with an audience ought to be doing is using their voices to press this process on. The SNP is an opportunity and a warning. Huge numbers of people are receptive to a different kind of politics, and if we don't do it someone else will and our party, or worse, our movement could be left in the dust. Both one-sided critiques like Nicky's or one-sided celebrations like Zoe's fall somewhat short.

Monday, 6 April 2015

The Far Left and the 2015 UK General Election

I just know you've been waiting for this: the combined list of far left candidates for the 2015 general election - so far. For once you can believe the hype. This could well be their biggest election challenge ever with 215 candidates - the last time they came close was 2001 off the back of a combined Socialist Alliance/Scottish Socialist Party/Socialist Labour Party challenge. Whatever you might say about them, and I'll be penning some thoughts about the campaigns later in the week, this is an impressive effort for a "movement" short on personnel and resource.

As per the 2010 list, far left here is defined as a group, party, or alliance that lays claims to Marxist, communist, and/or socialist labels and fits the notion of 'left-of-Labour' campaigning. Hence no Greens or SNP, despite some of their candidates having good left creds and campaigning records. The same goes for the mixed bag that is the National Health Action party, the Pirate Party (they're back), and Labour Representation Committee comrades standing for, um, Labour.

Also, this is not an exhaustive list. There's a bit of time before nominations close, so still occasion for arm-twisting here and there. I expect the TUSC tally to increase, along with the SLP and SSP's. You could be forgiven for thinking from this list that Scargill's party is an exclusively Welsh affair. Also, just like 2010, the Workers' Revolutionary Party have proven really annoying by refusing to list their candidates. Joining them in the doghouse is the SSP for the same, even though I've politely asked both. It's almost as if they're not taking the general election particularly seriously.

A note on the key. Each organisation is listed in alphabetical order with the constituencies they're standing in. If there is a * after the constituency this indicates a clash with another far left organisation. Should it be double, that means more than two are standing. The same after a candidate's name indicates that they stood in the seat previously. Should they be followed by a LU, they are standing on a joint TUSC/Left Unity ticket. The year is when the seat was last contested by a left-of-Labour outfit (going back to 2010), the initials the organisation(s) that contested it, followed by votes and percentage.

This is a provisional list that will be updated in due course.

Alliance for Green Socialism
Kensington - Toby Abse  (2010 : AGS 197 (0.6%))
Leeds North East - Celia Foote*  (2010: AGS 596 (1.3%))
Leeds North West - Mike Davies  (2010: AGS 121 (0.3%))

Class War
Cities of London and Westminster: Adam Clifford
Chingford & Woodford Green* - Lisa McKenzie
Croydon South - Jon Bigger
Lichfield - Andy Bennets
Maidenhead - Joe Wilcox
Norwich South - David Peel  (2010: WRP 102 (0.2%))
Sherwood - Dave Perkins

Communist League
Edinburgh South West - Caroline Bellamy*  (2010: SSP 319 (0.7%), CL 48 (0.1%))
Hackney North & Stoke Newington - Jonathan Silberman (2010: Direct Democracy 
     (Communist) 202  (0.5%), CL 110 (0.3%))
Manchester Central* - Paul Davies (2012: TUSC 220 (1.3%), Respect 182 (1.1%), CL 64 
     (0.4%))

Communist Party of Britain
Birmingham Hodge Hill - Andy Chaffer
Croydon North* - Ben Stevenson*  (2012: Respect 707 (2.9%), CPB 119 (0.5%))
Glasgow North West - Zoe Hennessy  (2010:  CPB 179 (0.5%))
Merthyr Tydfil & Rhymney - Robert Griffiths  (2010: SLP 195 (0.6%))
Newcastle upon Tyne East* - Mollie Stevenson  (2010: CPB 177 (0.5%))
North Devon - Gerry Sables* (2010: CPB 96 (0.2%))
Plymouth Sutton & Devonport* - Laura-Jane Rossington  (2010: SLP 123 (0.3%))
Sheffield Central - Steve Andrew

Left Unity
Bristol West - Stewart Weston
Stockport - John Pearson
Vauxhall* - Simon Hardy  (2010: SPGB 143 (0.3%), Workers Power 109 (0.3%))

Lewisham People Before Profit
Lewisham Deptford* - Helen Mercer  (2010: Socialist Alternative 645 (1.6%))
Lewisham East - Nick Long (2010: Community Need Before Private Greed 332 (0.8%))
Lewisham West & Penge* - Jim Smith

People Before Profit
Belfast West* - Gerry Carroll* (2011: 1,751 (7.6%))

Republican Socialist
Bermondsey & Old Southwark* - Steve Freeman

Respect
Birmingham Hall Green - Shiraz Peer  (2010: Respect 12,240 (25.1%))
Birmingham Yardley* - Teval Stephens
Bradford West - George Galloway  (2012: Respect 18,341 (55.9%))
Halifax - Asama Javed
Hastings and Rye - David Lofts
Sheffield, Brightside & Hillsborough* - Nasser Younis  (2010: TUSC 656 (1.7%))

Scottish Socialist Party
Edinburgh South - Colin Fox
Glasgow East - Liam McLaughlan  (2010: SSP 454 (1.4%))
Glasgow South West - Bill Bonnar (2010: Solidarity 931 (2.9%))
Paisley & Renfrewshire South - Sandra Webster  (2010: SSP 375 (0.9%))

Socialist Equality Party
Glasgow Central* - Katie Rhodes  (2010: SSP 357 (1.2%))
Holborn & St. Pancras - David O'Sullivan

Socialist Labour Party
Aberavon* - Andrew Jordan
Anglesey/Ynys Môn* - Liz Screen
Arfon - Kathrine Jones
Clwyd West - Bob English
Cynon Valley - Chris Beggs
Neath - Shangara Singh
Pontypridd* - Damien Biggs  (2010: SLP 456 (1.2%))
Torfaen - John Cox

Socialist Party of Great Britain
Brighton, Kemptown - Jacqueline Shodeke  (2010: TUSC 194 (0.5%))
Brighton Pavilion - Howard Pilott  (2010: SLP 148 (0.3%))
Canterbury - Robert Cox
Easington - Steve Colborn
Folkestone & Hythe* - Andy Thomas
Islington North - Bill Martin
Oxford East* - Kevin Parkin  (2010: SEP 116 (0.2%))
Oxford West & Abingdon - Mike Foster
Swansea West* - Brian Johnson (2010: TUSC 179 (0.5%))
Vauxhall* - Daniel Lambert*  (2010: SPGB 143 (0.3%), Workers Power 109 (0.3%))

Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition
Aberavon* - Owen Herbert
Aberdeen North - Tyrinne Rutherford  (2010: SSP 268 (0.7%))
Anglesey/Ynys Môn* - Christopher Crew
Barking - Joseph Mambuliya
Batley & Spen - Dawn Wheelhouse
Barnsley Central - Dave Gibson  (2010: SLP 356 (1.0%))
Barnsley East - Ralph Dyson  (2010: SLP 601 (1.6%))
Bermondsey & Old Southwark* - Kingsley Abrams
Bethnal Green & Bow - Glyn Robbins  (2010: Respect 8,532 (16.8%))
Birmingham Erdington - Ted Woodley
Birmingham Perry Barr - Robert Punton  (2010: SLP 527 (1.3%))
Birmingham Yardley* - Eamonn Flynn
Bolton West - John Vickers
Bootle - Pete Glover*  (2010: TUSC 472 (1.1%))
Brent Central - John Boyle  (2010: Respect 230 (0.5%))
Bridgend - Aaron David
Bristol East - Matt Gordon  (2010: TUSC 184 (0.4%))
Bristol North West - Anne Lemon
Bristol South - Tom Baldwin*  (2010: TUSC 206 (0.4%))
Caerphilly - Jaime Davies
Camberwell & Peckham - Nick Wrack  (2010: WRP 211 (0.5%), SLP 184 (0.4%), AWL 
     75  (0.2%))
Cardiff Central - Steve Williams  (2010: TUSC 162 (0.4%))
Cardiff South & Penarth* - Ross Saunders  (2012: SLP 235 (1.2%), CPB 213 (1.1%))
Cardiff West - Helen Jones
Ceredigion - Jack Huggins
Chatham & Aylesford - Ivor Riddell
Chesterfield - Matt Whale
Chingford & Woodford Green* - Len Hockey
Cleethorpes - Malcolm Morland
Coventry North East - Nicky Downes  (2010: Socialist Alternative 1,592 (3.7%))
Coventry North West - Dave Nellist  (2010: Socialist Alternative 370 (0.8%))
Coventry South - Judy Griffiths*  (2010: Socialist Alternative 691 (1.5%))
Croydon Central - April Ashley
Croydon North* - Glen Hart  (2012: Respect 707 (2.9%), CPB 119 (0.5%))
Darlington - Alan Docherty
Derby South - Chris Fernandez
Don Valley - Steve Williams
Doncaster Central - Mehwash Akram
Doncaster North - Mary Jackson  (2010: TUSC 181 (0.4%))
Dudley North - Dave Pitt
Dulwich & West Norwood - Steve Nally
Dundee East - Carlo Morelli  (2010: SSP 254 (0.6%))
Dundee West - Jim McFarlane*  (2010: TUSC 357 (1.0%))
Ealing North - David Hofman
East Ham - Lois Austin
Edinburgh East - Ayesha Saleem  (2010: TUSC 274 (0.7%))
Edinburgh North & Leith - Bruce Whitehead (LU)  (2010: TUSC 233 (0.5%), SLP 141 
     (0.3%))
Edmonton - Lewis Peacock
Ellesmere Port & Neston - Felicity Dowling (LU)
Enfield North - Joe Simpson  (2010: WRP 96 (0.2%))
Exeter - Edmund Potts (LU)
Folkestone & Hythe* - Seth Cruse
Gillingham & Rainham - Jacqui Berry
Glasgow Central* - Andrew Elliott  (2010: SSP 357 (1.2%))
Glasgow North - Angela McCormick*  (2010: 287 (1.0%))
Glasgow North East - Jamie Cocozza  (2010: TUSC 187 (0.6%), SSP 179 (0.6%), SLP 156 
     (0.5%))
Glasgow South - Brian Smith*  (2010: TUSC 351 (0.9%))
Gloucester - Sue Powell
Gower - Mark Evans
Great Grimsby - Val O’Flynn5
Greenwich & Woolwich - Lynne Chamberlain  (2010: TUSC 267 (0.6%)
Hackney South & Shoreditch* - Brian Debus (2010: Direct Democracy (Communist) 
     202 (0.5%), CL 110 (0.3%))
Harlow - David Brown
Harrow East - Nana Asante
Hove - Dave Hill
Huddersfield - Mike Forster  (2010: TUSC 319 (0.8%))
Hull West & Hessle - Paul Spooner  (2010: TUSC 150 (0.5%))
Islwyn - Joshua Rawcliffe
Jarrow - Norman Hall
Kingston & Surbiton - Laurel Forgarty
Kingswood - Richard Worth
Leeds Central - Liz Kitching
Leeds West - Ben Mayor
Leicester East - Michael Barker  (2010: Unity for Peace and Socialism 494 (1.0%))
Leicester South - Andrew Walton
Leicester West - Heather Rawling  (2010: TUSC 157 (0.4%))
Leigh - Stephen Hall (LU)
Lewisham Deptford* - Chris Flood  (2010: Socialist Alternative 645 (1.6%))
Lewisham West & Penge* - Martin Powell-Davies
Lincoln - Elaine Smith
Liverpool Riverside - Tony Mulhearn
Liverpool Wavertree - Dave Walsh  (2010: SLP 200 (0.5%))
Llanelli - Scott Jones
Manchester Central* - Alex Davidson  (2012: TUSC 220 (1.3%), Respect 182 (1.1%), CL   
     64 (0.4%))
Manchester Gorton - Simon Hickman  (2010: Respect 507 (1.3%), TUSC 337 (0.9%))
Mansfield - Karen Seymour
Milton Keynes North - Katie Simpson
Newcastle upon Tyne East* - Paul Phillips  (2010: CPB 177 (0.5%))
Newton Abbot - Sean Brogan
North Warwickshire - Eileen Hunter
North Tyneside - Tim Wall
Nottingham North - Cathy Meadows
Nottingham South - Andrew Clayworth
Nuneaton - Paul Reilly
Ogmore - Emma Saunders
Oxford East* - James Morbin  (2010: SEP 116 (0.2%))
Paisley & Renfrewshire North - Jim Halfpenny  (2010: SSP 233 (0.5%))
Plymouth Moor View - Louise Parker  (2010: SLP 208 (0.5%))
Plymouth, Sutton & Devonport* - Ryan Aldred  (2010: SLP 123 (0.3%))
Pontypridd* - Esther Pearson  (2010: SLP 456 (1.2%)
Poplar & Limehouse - Hugo Pierre  (2010: Respect 8,460 (17.5%))
Rochester & Strood - Dan Burn
Rossendale & Darwen - Simon Thomas
Rotherham - Pat McLaughlin  (2012: Respect 1,778 (8.3%), TUSC 261 (1.2%))
Rugby - Pete McLaren
Ruislip Northwood & Pinner - Wally Kennedy
Salford & Eccles - Noreen Bailey  (2010: TUSC 730 (1.8%))
Selby & Ainsty - Ian Wilson
Sheffield Brightside & Hillsborough* - Maxine Bowler*  (2010: TUSC 656 (1.7%))
Sheffield Heeley - Alan Munro
Sheffield South East - Ian Whitehouse  (2010: CPB 139 (0.3%))
Stevenage - Trevor Palmer
Stoke-on-Trent South - Matt Wright
Streatham* - Unjum Mirza  (2010: WRP 117 (0.2%))
Sutton & Cheam - Pauline Gorman
Swansea West* - Ronnie Job  (2010: TUSC 179 (0.5%))
Taunton Deane - Stephen German
Tottenham - Jenny Sutton*  (2010: TUSC 1,057 (2.6%))
Uxbridge South & Ruislip - Gary Harbord
Wakefield - Mick Griffiths
Walsall North - Pete Smith*  (2010: Walsall DLP 842 (2.3%))
Walthamstow - Nancy Taaffe*  (2010: TUSC 279 (0.7%))
Warrington South - Kevin Bennett
Washington & Sunderland West - Gary Duncan
Watford - Mark O’Connor
Weaver Vale - Joseph Whyte
Welwyn Hatfield - Richard Shattock
Worcester - Pete McNally
Worsley & Eccles South - Steve North
Wythenshawe & Sale East - Lynn Worthington*  (2010: TUSC 268 (0.7%))
York Central - Megan Ollerhead

Workers' Party
Belfast North - Gemma Weir
Belfast South - Lily Kerr
Belfast West* - John Lowry (2011: People Before Profit 1,751 (7.6%))
Mid Ulster - Hugh Scallion
Upper Bann - Damien Harte

Workers Revolutionary Party
Camberwell and Peckham* - Joshua Ogunleye* (2010: WRP 211 (0.5%), SLP 184 (0.4%), 
     AWL 75 (0.2%))
Ealing Central & Acton - Scott Dore
Hackney South & Shoreditch* - Bill Rogers (2010: Direct Democracy (Communist) 202 
     (0.5%), CL 110 (0.3%))
Hornsey and Wood Green - Frank Sweeney
Sheffield Central* - Michael Driver
Streatham* - Deon Gayle (2010: WRP 117 (0.2%))
Walthamstow* - Jonty Leff (2010: TUSC 279 (0.7%))


That's 215 candidates scrapping over 181 seats. With more than enough constituencies to go around, you have to marvel at the pig headed persistence of clashes. Yes, we know the SEPtics believe they're the only properly revolutionary party around, that the SPGB regards the rest of the left as reformists and therefore bourgeois parties, that Class War see the Trots and the tankies as just another boss class waiting to happen, and the SLP doesn't even acknowledge the existence of other leftists, but to the untutored eye not versed in these terribly important differences they appear unserious and a little bit squabbly.

As indicated, the analysis will appear later this week. But a couple of observations. Nicky Downes and Dave Nellist stood for Cov North West and North East in 2010, and given Dave's following he performed fairly creditably for a TUSC candidate. Yet in 2015, rather than seeking to build on the result both comrades are standing again, but have swapped seats. Can anyone shed some light on this peculiar happening? I'll also be interested to see how Class War perform. Breaking with anarchist traditions and contesting elections, let's see if their, um, robust approach to campaigning is able to touch parts of the electorate countless iterations of the transitional programme haven't reached. Also, knowing anarchists' penchant for hyperbole don't be too surprised if CW's list of candidates falls between now and election day. Moving on, are the SSP really going to stand in just three constituencies? From a resource/activist concentration point of view that makes sense, but considering how much it was supposed to have grown after the referendum it does seem a rather poor show. Lastly, one should note the spat in Bermondsey between Kingsley Abrams of TUSC and Steve Freeman of the Revolutionary Democratic Group, or the Republican Socialist Party as he's now billing himself: the Weekly Worker has the goods.

Right, that's enough of that. Updates will appear below when I have them. If you know more than I do, feel free to drop some info in the comments.

Update 10/4
Thanks to all the readers and comrades who've filled me in about missing candidates and those who have dropped out. The biggest news is the Workers Revolutionary Party have entered the field with their plucky clutch of seven candidates. The only problem is, from the point of view of the far left 'party family', is that six of the declared are going up against other socialist candidates. Who will win the battle of the micro percentages?

A few more additions here and there too. The SSP are contesting Glasgow South West, bringing their tally up to four. The SPGB are entering the fray in Easington, and the two unrelated organisations laying claim to the People Before Profit monicker are up in Lewisham East and Belfast West.

Things are looking a bit wobbly with the Class War campaign. Their 27 candidates might shrink to ... eight. No sign still of additional SLP candidates. Weird that they've got a fairly decent spread in Wales but not bothering elsewhere, apparently. Though I will note they've moved their postal address from Barnsley to Liverpool.

Update 26/10
What you see here now is pretty much the definitive list. The main change is the reduction of Class War from 27 seats to just seven. Nothing wrong with ambition, but I am surprised they weren't able to carry off Ian Bone's candidacy - the nearest they have to a well-known figure. That also means fewer clashes now. However, it remains to be seen whether the far left will see a moderate increase in their vote. It has to be said their support can't really go any further south.

Sunday, 5 April 2015

Notes on Nicola Sturgeon

Alex who? I always thought the Tories 'Vote Labour, Get Salmond' schtick was as weak as it was pitiful. It's all very well photo shopping an Ed Milli-band in the former first minister's oversized coat pocket, but when far fewer people south of the border know him and he's no longer calling the shots. Well, after this week, there is no doubt in the electorate's mind who the SNP leader is. For Nicola Sturgeon, this was the moment she passed from the leading personality in Scottish politics to a household name virtually everywhere. This was initially thanks to the leaders' debate last Thursday, and what can only be described as a highly dubious attack in yesterday's Telegraph. Here, for your delectation, are some brief scrappy notes.

1. In last week's debate, Nicola had two seemingly irreconcilable tasks to perform. She had to give no ground to Labour at all and make sure the SNP remained the left of centre party of choice in Scotland. Then there was the trickier feat of assuring English voters that her party was not some toxic entity prepared to rinse Westminster and the taxpayer as a price for staying in the union. In both cases, she succeeded. This election is no stranger to weird phenomena, and this is no exception: she did so by deploying basic class-based social democratic arguments against austerity that ultimately cut against the logic of nationalism. In fact, it was the only gambit capable of appealing equally to Scottish and rUK voters. What also made this approach inevitable is her own politics, which have consistently been on the SNP's left. Going in with austerity, ably assisted by Leanne Wood and Natalie Bennett, she was able to pitch her idea of a 'progressive alliance' that would lock the Tories out of power this time and perhaps forever. This attempts to nullify the 'vote SNP, get Tory' messages put about by Labour that will sway some new SNP voters who've previously been Labour-loyal while simultaneously implying an endorsement for a Labour vote pretty much everywhere else. It's risky from an anti-Tory point of view because reasons. Nevertheless, it's out there now. By taking on the mantle of anti-austerity the SNP now appears much more benign than the way the Conservatives would have it.

2. Here's what Westminster and its bubble cannot get its head around - here's a case in point - is that Scottish politics have changed. Masses of people have elbowed aside the tottering structure of Scottish Labour and taken up politics in huge numbers. Imagine how politics would be transformed in England if, virtually over night, there was an influx into Labour as proportional as the one experienced by the SNP - we'd be talking 800,000 extra members and a decisive shift in wider society. Politics in Scotland is no longer a spectator sport, and no amount of finger wagging, smears, and carping on about losing a referendum will change that. Labour can make a comeback, but it's a long, hard slog. It has to adapt to the new situation, not the other way round.

3. Shenanigans! I suppose a back office "intervention" against Nicola Sturgeon was inevitable. Is it plausible? Well, there is a certain logic for some in the SNP preferring a Tory government - as Mark Ferguson points out. However, the bulk of the SNP's new voters and recruits are not for independence at any price. But there are plenty of those, sadly including some in my own party, for whom no price is too high for the union's preservation. Ditto for the machinery of state, as H also notes. It's worth remembering the "leak" originated from the Scottish Office, which was until recently run by the LibDems. Far be it for me to suggest this and a well-known track record for dirty tricks might be more than coincidence. Yet as stings go, whether it's true or not and despite Nicola's consistent political record, the logic will ring true for some and provide Labour marginal succour - at the price of firing up the SNP's support even more.

4. The nightmare question for our betters is if Sturgeon's anti-austerity rhetoric is taken up by many millions of others. If you're worthy of leaks and smears, you and your political movement have arrived.

23:18 Update Oh look, the LibDems have 'fessed up. (H/T Eddie Truman)

New Blogs March/April 2015

It's Easter. It's also the first Sunday of the month:

1. Gender Detective (Unaligned/Feminist) (Twitter)
2. Lewes Phoenix Rising (Unaligned/housing) (Twitter)
3. Stupid Creative (Unaligned) (Twitter)
4. Sutton and Croydon TUSC (TUSC) (Twitter)
5. The Free University of Sheffield (Unaligned) (Twitter)
6. The Labour Campaign for Free Education (Labour) (Twitter)
7. The Optimistic Patriot (Labour) (Twitter)
8. Uncivil Society (Labour) (Twitter)

Slim pickings this month, which is surprising considering that new blogs should be mushrooming about now. Well, that's what happened in the lad up to the 2010 general election. Another example of social media killing the campaign blogging star? Whatevs. There are a couple of other shout outs I'd like to give to blogs that aren't strictly speaking political but are a bit on the arty side. First is Cultured Vultures (@CultVultures) and Resonance FM (@resonancefm). Check 'em out.

As always, if you know of any new blogs that haven't featured before then drop me a line via the comments, email or Twitter. Please note I'm looking for blogs that have started within the last 12 months. The new blog round up usually appears on the first Sunday of every month. And if it doesn't, it will turn up eventually!

Saturday, 4 April 2015

Saturday Interview: Dr Darren Price

Dr Darren Price is an architect-planner by profession and is married with two young children. He was born and raised in Leicestershire and arrived in the Staffordshire Moorlands town of Leek in 2007 after studying, living and working in Manchester, Sheffield and London. He is now the Chair of Governors at a local school, a District Councillor and Labour’s PPC for Congleton where he has the incumbent Tory MP Fiona Bruce in his, admittedly long-range, sights. Darren also runs a candidate's blog and can be found tweeting away here.

Why did you decide to apply for a Labour PPC position?

There isn’t just one reason it is more of a culmination of events and a realisation that it was the right time and the right thing to do. I’m really not a career politician, I didn’t dream of being an MP as a teenager, or in my 20s or 30s for that matter. I didn’t study PPE and make all of the right friends in all of the right clubs and societies to progress my political career. Instead I made real connections with real people and led a real life.

Don’t get me wrong I was always political, I grew up in a Labour household and campaigned at all elections from 1979 but I never imagined it would potentially be a career one day. Instead I gained a professional qualification, then a PhD, got married had a family moved up the country, was made redundant and started two businesses before I had even seriously considered it might be. Even then I didn’t realize that it was the right thing to do all by myself. Several senior Labour party people who I respect greatly and know a thing or two about such things said that I had the right set of skills, life experience and personality and that I should do it. Not all of those people are still with us but the seed that they planted in my head still is!

And how are you finding the campaign in Congleton?

It is very busy running a Parliamentary campaign alongside two businesses and with a young family as well but I am thoroughly enjoying the experience and learning a lot in the process. It helps that I have a great team from the CLP including a couple of former PPCs, one of whom is my agent who stood himself in Crewe and Nantwich in 2010. The depth of talent that you find amongst the membership of CLPs never ceases to amaze me and Congleton is especially blessed in this regard.

As for the actual campaign, I have always loved going out and speaking with people on the doorstep and I am doing this as much as I can. I also enjoy working with the media and I have taken great pleasure in getting the print package together. We don’t have the human resources to knock on 40,000 doors but every home will receive our election communications so the value of these shouldn’t be underplayed – lots of endorsements from real, non-political people and great pictures are key!

Are there any issues that keep coming up?

The sheer volume of house-building on the green edges of the towns is perhaps the most consistent theme on the doorstep – people are extremely angry about it. It is a situation brought about by Cheshire East Council’s inability to produce a robust Local Plan and enabled by the Governments introduction of the New Planning Policy Framework and in particular the “presumption in favour of sustainable development”. I’m not against building new homes, far from it. What I am against is developers calling the shots and building what they want and where they want solely for profit, when we need affordable homes in the places where communities want them. The Government’s changes to the planning system have shifted the balance too far in favour of developers and this needs addressing before our towns and villages are changed forever. I deal with issues like this professionally and also teach planning and urban design, so I have a real understanding of the issues.

Other issues that keep coming up are the NHS and community care services as people quite rightly fear for the future of this under a Tory-led Government. Oh, and the traffic problems, there are legitimate calls in Congleton, Alsager, Sandbach, Middlewich and Holmes Chapel for new by-passes or extensions to current ones as the additional pressure from new housing development is stretching the existing infrastructure to breaking point.

It's 8th May and you've been elected. What would your constituency priorities be?

After the important business of establishing a local team, finding premises and kick starting an effective constituency office I would get my teeth into the housing and planning issue described above, using my professional experience and contacts with organisations to bring about a real change in Congleton and across the country. There has to the best of my knowledge never been an architect in the House of Commons before ...

Do you find blogging and social media useful for campaigning?

Yes, I think it is very important. I have used Twitter (@DPriceLabour) and Facebook for years professionally and personally and have also built and managed websites for my business and my wife’s so it is not new to me. This will be the first Twitter election!

Apart from the masterly All That Is Solid, are there any blogs or other politics/comments websites you regularly follow?

I’m not sure that I have read ‘All that is Solid’ do you mean Marx, the Berman book, or maybe even the excellent book on the housing crisis by Danny Dorling?

Seriously, I keep an eye on Labourlist of course and occasionally have a look at some of the Tory blogging sites too, it always pays to keep an eye on the enemy ... there is nothing that I feel that I must read though and barely have the time these days.

Are you reading anything at the moment?

I always have at least one fiction and one non-fiction book on the go, often more the non-fiction is usually a biography. At the moment the books sitting on my bedside cabinet are Val McDermid’s The Mermaids Singing (actually on my Kindle) and Denis Healy’s brilliant autobiography The Time of My Life, which really illustrates the importance of politicians having a hinterland, a life outside of politics. I have dozens waiting to be read next ...

Do you have a favourite novel?

It’s very difficult to narrow it down to just one but if forced I would say A Confederacy of Dunces by John Kennedy Toole. Ignatius J Reilly is just comedy masterpiece, if you haven’t read it you should.

Can you name a work of non-fiction which has had a major influence on how you think about the world?

Not one specific book, but I can name many that have had some influence and many that haven’t had much influence at all...if pressed I’d say Jane Jacobs’ The Death and Life of Great American Cities for the way it talks about grassroots organisation and because she shook up the very male bastion of urban planning and put people back at the centre.

Who are your biggest intellectual influences?

My background is in architecture, urban design and planning and in many ways I see politics as an extension of my passion for ‘placemaking’. With this in mind I am going to cite the architects and urban planners - Kevin Lynch, Jane Jacobs, Robert Venturi, Gordon Cullen, and for his vision and attitude, Cedric Price (no relation).

What was the last film you saw?

At the cinema it was the recent remake of Annie with my wife Deborah and the kids, it was my 8 year old daughter’s choice. I must confess that the prospect filled me with dread as I don’t like musicals or sentimentalism and have, thankfully distant, memories of the 80s version. It surprised me though, I enjoyed it more than I was expecting to - 2/10.

How many political organisations have you been a member of?

Aside from the ones I am currently a member of which are the Labour Party (obviously), The Co-operative Party and Unite, I have been a member of Unison and the AUT during different jobs. I also had a period of time in my teens and early 20s when I was a member of a wide variety of left-leaning organisations from CND to a thankfully brief time in the SWSS!

Is there anything you particularly enjoy about political activity?

Generally it is all about meeting people, talking with them and listening to their concerns. As an elected member it is about enabling positive change and improving people’s lives, I like doing that!

Can you name an idea or an issue on which you've changed your mind?

Yes, and I expect that there will be others. Nuclear energy is one such issue, as I said earlier I was a teenage member of CND and opposed to nuclear energy for a number of years but now see it as a valuable part of a broad-based energy policy moving away from fossil fuels.

What set of ideas do you think it most important to disseminate?

The idea that people can contribute to society and that politics isn’t something that other people do is vital to our future.

What set of ideas do you think it most important to combat?

The idea that politicians are ‘all the same’ and that people don’t have any impact on how decisions are made.

Who are your political heroes?

There are lots, from John Lilburne to Thomas Paine to Kier Hardie and more latterly Tony Benn who I spoke with on a train once for over an hour and later wrote a blog about it here.

How about political villains?

Historically and globally the list could be huge so I am going to limit myself to just one current UK politician and say Ian Duncan Smith ... and Esther McVey ... and Eric Pickles ... no, sorry the pool is jut too deep ... George Osborne, Boris Johnson, Jeremy Hunt. I’ll stop.

What do you think is the most pressing political task of the day?

Introducing greater devolution and reorganising local decision-making is vital. Not just because the standard of debate and decision-making at the local level is often poor but because it is the best way to re-engage people with politics, and that is the most pressing task – revitalising our democracy.

If you could affect a major policy change, what would it be?

Over and above those that are likely to be in our manifesto, I’d like to allow local authorities to borrow against new housing enabling them to deliver the social housing we need so urgently more quickly – the Lyons Review is very good but I believe that it should have gone further.

What do you consider to be the main threat to the future peace and security of the world?

In the short to medium term intolerance and fundamentalism on all sides and in the longer term climate change.

What would be your most important piece of advice about life?

I don’t like to advise people on how to live their lives but if you mean what have I learned that others may benefit from then it is simply that people are good and need treating with respect.

What is your favourite song?

Just one ... are you sure? Okay, if pushed I will say Do You Realise by The Flaming Lips but that is just now. Ask me again in five minutes and I will probably say Groove is in the Heart by Deee-Lite, five minutes later and it could be Mean Talking Blues by Woody Guthrie. Did you see what I did there ...

Do you have a favourite video game?

I’m of the ZX Spectrum generation but was never massively into video games as a kid. I don’t play them often now either aside from Scrabble on my phone. I am looking forward to trying some of the new ones as my son (now four years old) grows up though, they have come on a bit since Manic Miner apparently and I want to try a really good car racing game.

What do you consider the most important personal quality in others?

Tolerance.

What personal fault in others do you most dislike?

Ignorance.

What, if anything, do you worry about?

As I work for myself and my wife runs her own company it is where the next contract or the next sale is coming from and ultimately who is paying the mortgage! Also in the longer term I worry about my daughter’s future, she is only right at the moment but has Williams Syndrome and will require lifelong care. I worry about her when we are gone.

And any pet peeves?

I hate being late, not other people being late but me being late. I also hate it when people don’t respond to emails so you have no idea if they have read what you sent – how long does it take to reply with a ‘Thanks’? Then there are lots of trivial ones ...

What piece of advice would you give to your much younger self?

Listen more to other people, you don’t have all of the answers.

What do you like doing in your spare time?

I love spending time with my family of course but I also enjoy solo walks in the hills (especially in very bad weather), a pint or two in a local pub and watching rugby, specifically the majestic Leicester Tigers!

What is your most treasured possession?

I don’t know that I have one, although I am sure that my wife would disagree as I never throw anything away!

Do you have any guilty pleasures?

None whatsoever, I’m not remotely guilty about my liking for Haribo Tangfastics.

What talent would you most like to have?

I’d like to be able to play the guitar really well, in fact being able to play it at all would be a start.

If you could have one (more or less realistic) wish come true - apart from getting loads of money - what would you wish for?

I am genuinely not interested in having loads of money, having enough not to worry about it would be nice though. If I had one wish it would be that my daughter didn’t have Williams Syndrome, that those tiny bits of DNA weren’t missing from the long arm of chromosome seven. This is not because of the effect that it has on our lives but because of the sadness and anxiety that it causes her (on top of the health issues) as she deals with being different to other children.

Speaking of cash, how, if at all, would you change your life were you suddenly to win or inherit an enormously large sum of money?

I’d buy a car that worked properly and didn’t have an increasing list of things that are falling off and/or not working. I’d pay off the mortgage fix the windows and I’d make sure that I always had plenty of new socks.

If you could have any three guests, past or present, to dinner who would they be?

Elizabeth David, Thomas Paine, and Mark E Smith. So that is good food, good conversation and Mark E Smith.

Being a PPC is tiring, time consuming and can cost quite a bit. Would you recommend it?

I’m not sure if it is something that anyone could recommend as such, I think that it needs to be a real vocation and you need to be sure that you have something to offer.

However, I’d definitely recommend that anyone considering it fully understands what it entails before they started on the path and that they discuss it carefully with their family. I did that and I have their full support, I wouldn’t have embarked on this journey without that. I’m certainly very pleased that I am a PPC – it’s a real privilege and I’m enjoying every minute of it!

And lastly ...

Why are you Labour?


Because I believe in people.

Thursday, 2 April 2015

The Socialist Party's Erratic Marxism

I'm not a Marxist for the same reasons Marx wasn't one, but that's not stopped some from acting as arbiters of what is and isn't authentically Marxist. The latest to indulge the 'why so and so isn't a proper Marxist because reasons' is Peter Taaffe, the eternal secretary of the Socialist Party in England and Wales. Before we begin and in the interests of transparency and honesty, it's worth noting the Socialist Party and I have a bit of history. Right, onto the main. The object of his polemic is Greece's celebrity finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis and his recent declaration for 'erratic Marxism''. Here then we shall have a look at the basis of Taaffe's critique, before moving onto what I think can justifiably be regarded as the SP's own erratic Marxism.

There are a number of correct, if banal points Taaffe makes. That Marxism is an open method of inquiry and analysis, not a closed system. That it is the theory and practice of proletarian revolution and is basically inseparable from the experience of a class. That it's as nonsensical to blame Marx for Stalin as holding Jesus responsible for the Lord's Resistance Army. And, um, that's about it. Varoufakis for his part is somewhat less conventional. Rather than challenging European capitalism head on with a list of programmatic demands as per the received Trotskyist playbook, he argues instead for saving it from itself. He recounts sitting down with German finance ministers explaining to them the illogicality of their own positions and notes, with no surprise, how hostile they are to the medicine that could breath new life into their system. Small wonder Taaffe is less than impressed. Greece after all is in an "economically objectively pre-revolutionary situation". The job of Marxists, erratic or otherwise, is to surely bury capitalism, not save it. As far as Taaffe is concerned, this shows Varoufakis's distance from the labour movement and caricatures his position as pleading with the powers that be - a variation of 'if only the Tories knew the facts they wouldn't be so nasty'. Taaffe has got it completely wrong.

Gramsci made a celebrated distinction between the war of position and the war of maneouevre. Evoking the memories of the Alpine battlefields on which Italian peasants and proletarians died in horrifying numbers, he argued that revolutionary strategy in the West has to be cautious, tread carefully, and engage in hundreds of unknown and uncommented upon battles with the enemy to secure this section of trench, this firing position, this foxhole. It's about struggling to improve one's position against an opponent with greater resources and heavier artillery. The battlefield here isn't just politics. It's culture, it's workplaces, it's institutions, it's everyday life. The war of maneouevre is different. Think more of warfare up until the late 19th century: two armies would marshal their forces on a designated battlefield and face each other head on. This was the situation, Gramsci argued, that faced Lenin and the Bolsheviks in its stand off with Tsarism. The February Revolution swept away the autocracy, and the party disposed of the remaining bourgeois state come October. The complex prop of civil society wasn't there, which made a frontal assault all the more possible and likely. British Trotskyism, including Taaffe and friends and with a few qualifications, belong in the latter tradition. It's not that Trotskyists goes round shouting "One Solution, Revolution!" (well, some do, though the SP pointedly does not), but that they have a simplistic understanding of the political conjuncture facing organised labour. For them the blockage in each and every campaign or struggle they engage with is a) the media and b) the official leadership of trade unions/parties/campaigning groups. If it wasn't for these things, if only the revolutionary party could have unmediated contact with the class it seeks to lead, then let the bourgeoisie take fright. There is no reverse gear, it's a politics of constant offensive and one, as we have seen, has led to devastating consequences at the trade union it effectively leads.

Varoufakis has a more Gramscian approach to leftist politics. Syriza's election was the easy part, the difficulty now lies in reversing Europe-wide austerity, disseminating its politics abroad, and bedding the party down as the dominant political force in Greek society. Taking Varoufakis's 'save capitalism' pronouncements in isolation, as Taaffe does, renders them confusing and politically useless. But as part of a counter-hegemonic strategy, they make perfect sense. Here we have the representative of a radical and insurgent proletarian party offering a general direction of travel - for the entire world to see - that accepts the parameters and rhetoric of capitalist realism and offering proposals that will see Greece remain within the Eurozone, see the country's debts paid back, and will put its economy on a surer footing. The capitalism Varoufakis has set out time and again in negotiations and articles is a vision of capitalism as if it was run on a rational basis. If the austerity imposed on Greece, for instance, ceased the economy would bounce back quicker and its capacity to pay down the monies owed to Germany and other creditors enhanced. Here, Varoufakis is showing that the far left understand capitalism and have a plan for it better than the traditional representatives of capital themselves. This effectively calls into question the stewardship of the latter and exposes them not as disinterested captains of industry, but money grubbers obsessed by petty, narrow class interests.

This is superior to what Taaffe has to offer for two reasons. Firstly, it lifts eyes to the way the system is organised and how prevailing power relations are threatened even by the consistent application of the capitalist rules of the game. The SP, and by extension all orthodox Trotskyists, rely on the magical powers of making theoretically achievable demands whose logic points beyond capitalism. Not only in the SP's hands is this overly economistic, i.e. that the struggle for higher wages and against cuts is in and of itself radical, but also it is inappropriate to a situation where labour movements are weak and the composition of proletarians is variegated and dispersed. Secondly, the Varoufakis approach has had some success. German finance still wants its pound of Greek flesh, but by putting forward utterly reasonable demands it has exposed neoliberal dogmatism before a global audience, severely dented the credibility of the creditors, strengthened the head of steam building against austerity and, crucially in Greece itself, advanced Syriza's political hegemony. As Taaffe himself acknowledges, the party's approval ratings at home have gone through the roof. It's not just because Greece has forced a confrontation with the privatisers and neoliberalisers that nearly half of Greek voters are giving the far left the thumbs up, but also because they've made an entirely reasonable case that chimes with people far beyond the tiny numbers for whom a traditional Trotskyist message appeals.

The difference between the two positions ultimately comes down to a contemporary understanding of class and class relationships. The SP argues that Britain's workers suffered a series of key defeats in the 1980s that forced class consciousness back and allowed for the subsequent (temporary) triumph of capital, an era (or period, as Taaffe is fond of calling them) underlined by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the embrace by Mao's heirs of capitalism with Chinese characteristics. There is nothing to suggest that Varoufakis would not accept this position. However, Trotsky's argument that crisis can be reduced to the crisis of proletarian leadership - a position formulated in 1938's Transitional Programme was preserved in aspic and, if you'll forgive the pun, been trotted out regularly ever since by his self-identified followers. And so it is here. Spend time surveying SP literature and it's always about leadership and the treachery of the misleaders, strongly implying that all that is needed is the correct leadership and the rest will take care of itself. Unfortunately for this perspective, the correct leadership(s) have been around in the shape of dozens of central committees since the second world war and the working class generally have proven resistant to their spotless banners and fighting socialist alternatives.

The crisis, however, is much deeper than a matter of leadership. Capitalism has changed a great deal over the last 30-odd years. There are more proletarians than ever before, but in the metropolitan heartlands they've not been as divided and dispersed since capitalism transitioned from an agricultural to industrialised societies. The growth and spread of casualisation, the shrinking of many workplaces, the increasing complexity of the division of labour, the individuation and surveillance of employees, the shift from physical commodities to economies heavily reliant on the production of services and 'immaterial' goods, the increasing importance of networks and information, the take off of popular consumer cultures, the privatisation of personal space, all of these shifts and processes are interlinked, mutually conditioning and reinforcing, and absolutely work against the emergence of a class conscious proletariat according to the old schemas. The main political task for socialists is to get to grips with these processes, analyse and learn the opportunities this new composition of class affords, and try to work out how this composition can grow over into a new mass politics of socialism. Cohering this composition is what Syriza is doing, perhaps sometimes unknowingly, and it has done so on the basis of trying out new strategies appropriate to a Greek proletariat that, despite suffering appallingly under the cosh of austerity, have not risen up and made a revolution.

This is where we get to the Socialist Party's erratic Marxism. As Taaffe notes, Marxism is a fundamentally open research programme and guide to action. However, in the SP's case that's where their Marxism starts getting erratic. Take their understanding of class and the Labour Party between 1992ish and the present day. The labour movement entered this time frame bruised by strategic defeats and hence, diminishing influence. It would therefore follow that the Labour Party, as the organised political wing of that movement, would be similarly damaged, that leftist ideas with wide currency the decade previously be on the retreat and that a cadre of activists would drop out of activity. That is what happened, yet instead of linking the two, looking at the tendencies, opportunities, and counterveiling tendencies working through, opening and closing, and simultaneously binding and distancing the relationship between party and movement, which is what a Marxist analysis should be doing, instead we have the abandonment of Karl Marx for the German sociologist, Max Weber. It's an unconscious shift, but one all the more glaring for it. So rather than analysing Labour in all its contradictions and trajectories, we have two decades worth of articles arguing that the expulsion of several hundred Militant supporters, the diminution of member-led policy-making, Blair's tetchy relationship with the unions, and more latterly Labour councils' failure to live up to the example of Liverpool City Council 1983-1987 as proof positive that Labour has moved from working class party to outright bourgeois outfit. In so doing, Marxist analysis has been substituted for ideal-typical box ticking. Because a social democratic party is supposed to have a certain number of features, such as a programme of nationalisation, an opposition to all cuts, being for the extension of social security, and a socialist rhetoric, Labour is written off. What it is now and hasn't been since, coincidentally, the expulsion of many Militant Tendency comrades, differs because it deviates from a theoretical construct of what Labour should look like. The fact the organisational relationships and myriad cross overs of trade unionists and community campaigners with Labour Party membership and support counts for nothing.

And it's this Weberianism that Taaffe ultimately brings to bear in his analysis of Varoufakis's comments. He has a model of what proletarian struggle should be like, and that model is how the SP and its international co-thinkers go about their political business. Because Syriza do not conform to it, they're failing and, even worse, giving capital succour by the back door. Unfortunately for Taaffe and co, the only failure here is an inability to apply the theoretical methods they profess.

Wednesday, 1 April 2015

Zero Hour Contracts: An Anecdote

I'm glad Labour is making some good noises about zero hour contracts. It's even better that they've met the stupid and entirely predictable letter from Tory supporting business chums that, shock horror, support the Tories with a signed letter of their own featuring people on zero hour contracts. For all their money advantage, so far Labour's campaign is proving much cannier and smarter than the blue party's scaremongering. Though it would be quite helpful if Labour MPs, Labour-run councils, and the Labour Party apparatus itself didn't use them.

Anyway, zero hour contracts. As people who've never had and never will have to live on them engage debate their suitability, flexibility, and opine over businesses ill-prepared to offer people guaranteed hours like, you know, how they did more than 10 years ago, there's the anecdote I'd like to share.

There is a well-known local employer who will remain nameless, and owns a few enterprises dotted about the city. This individual has been an enthusiastic user of zero hour contracts since long before they were picked up by official politics. There was an occasion where two employees decided to swap shifts, as one woman had childcare issues. That's pretty innocuous - such shift-swapping is common in workplaces up and down the country. Except this workplace.

The boss hit the roof when they found out. Being someone who you can only describe as being jealously conscious of their wealth and position, and sensitive to the slightest challenge to it, and any sign of employee autonomy - even something as banal as working each others' shifts without the gaffer's say so - was to be stamped all over. And so this employer used the zero hour contracts the staff were on not to give them any hours again, effectively making them unemployed and leaving them without an income for several weeks before they got the hint.

Do zero hour contracts suit some people? Yes. Bu are they also used as a weapon of workplace control, causing people who can ill-afford it lost income and associated stress-related problems? Absolutely. A crack down on these hideous scams is overdue - but will only happen if Labour are elected into office.

The Left Case for Voting Conservative

Bugger it. If a third of the population are stubbornly sticking with the Conservatives in spite of all that they have done, surely it's time for the labour movement to have a rethink? Here's the deal. Regardless of the character your lefty politics assumes, you want a better society. You want to live in a world that's not dog-eat-dog, where the poor don't go hungry because the poor do not exist, and where life is about the stuff that really matters. Yet sometimes things have got to get worse before they get better. And here is where we arrive at the Conservative Party and why the left should campaign and vote for them.

1. The Conservatives are working. Say what you like about George Osborne, under his stewardship the economy has climbed out of a hole and is now putting on jobs at a startling rate. Granted, many of these aren't "good" jobs. As the Office of National Statistics have pointed out, some 28% of jobs created over the last five years are zero hour contracts. That of course doesn't take into consideration the many other types of jobs, such as temporary contracts/fixed term occupations, part-time work, and jobs that offer a low number of fixed term hours that can be flexed up through overtime - if it is available. It's a 'jobs miracle' only if you look at the headline figure and don't bother with the reality veiled by the stats. And yet in terms of absolute numbers, there are more workers than ever before. Objectively an all-time high number of people are subject to the wage relation. That means more trade unionists and with it the potential flowering of proper proletarian consciousness. The Tories have basically buried dynamite into the foundations of the British economy.

2. We all know what the A-level sociology text books say. For Marx, the sounding of capitalism's death knell grows ever closer as greater and greater numbers of workers are immiserated. The less they have to live off, the more yawning the chasm between them and the lives of the capitalists, the greater the case for the revolutionary overthrow of the bourgeoisie becomes. You just have to look at what's going to come if the Tories are returned to power. The continued growth of low paid insecure work. Crackdowns on trade unions and workplace rights, including doing away with protections afforded by EU membership. Another round of manic cuts to social security. More privatisation, including the systematic looting of the NHS. The list goes on and on. Everywhere they wield the whip hand anyone who gets by on a wage or a modest salary will feel the lash. The British proletariat, however, can only take so much. Jab a nest of vipers with a stick and eventually they will strike back, and so it is with the sleeping gigantic mass of 30 million proletarians. Every poke will remind workers of their 'us' vs their 'them'. Each legislative measure favouring business at the expense of the employee class is a nail in capital's coffin. It might not be this year, but when the spending cuts start to hit, Britain's workers will start to move.

So whatever you do, don't vote Labour. Yes, they have policies that will provide the poorest and most vulnerable immediate relief. Yes, they have policies that will improve the lot of working people. But think of the prize. What is a few years of suffering set against the prospect of a socialist society? Let the ruling classes tremble before the spectre of communistic revolution. Vote Conservative.

Five Most Read Posts in March


The most popular posts last month were:

1. Why Dave Has Ruled Out a Third Term
2. The Great UFO Conspiracy
3. Is Labour Doomed?
4. Top 100 Tweeting MPs 2014-15
5. The Meaning of Jeremy Clarkson

Politics dominates proceedings again with Dave's silly announcement of his impending retirement. In this piece I go for an exotic slice of triangulation to explain his actions when in fact - self-criticism time - I overlooked the obvious: that Dave banked on his announcement to making him look normal and ever-so-slightly self-deprecating. Still, can't get it all right all the time. My look at More4's The Great UFO Conspiracy was a welcome foray into Forteana - and the audience out there seemed to agree. And my lengthy piece on the demise or otherwise of Labour also pulled the numbers in. It's good to know one's musings are more than just braying into a void.

As March 2015 forever slips into the darkness of the archives, are there a couple of posts worth retrieving for a second look? As someone else forcefully put it lately, hell yes. Three in fact. They are Was there anything Liberal about the Tory/LibDem Coalition, Why the Establishment Loves Jeremy Clarkson, and (lastly) Is Red Nose Day Secretly Subversive? I can't well leave out last night's post, either.